Berkeley
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The first systematic exploration of nuclear weapon design concepts took place in the summer of 1942 at the
University of California, Berkeley. Important early discoveries had been made at the adjacent
Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, such as the 1940 cyclotron made production and isolation of plutonium. A Berkeley professor,
J. Robert Oppenheimer, had just been hired to run the nation's secret bomb design effort. His first act was to convene the 1942 summer conference.
By the time he moved his operation to the new secret town of Los Alamos, New Mexico, in the spring of 1943, the accumulated wisdom on nuclear weapon design consisted of five lectures by Berkeley professor
Robert Serber, transcribed and distributed as the
Los Alamos Primer. The Primer addressed fission energy,
neutron production and
capture,
nuclear chain reactions,
critical mass, tampers, predetonation, and three methods of assembling a bomb: gun assembly, implosion, and "autocatalytic methods," the one approach that turned out to be a dead end.
Los Alamos
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At
Los Alamos, it was found in April 1944 by
Emilio G. Segrè that the proposed
Thin Man Gun assembly type bomb would not work for plutonium because of predetonation problems caused by Pu-240 impurities. So
Fat Man, the implosion-type bomb, was given high priority as the only option for plutonium. The Berkeley discussions had generated theoretical estimates of critical mass, but nothing precise. The main wartime job at Los Alamos was the experimental determination of critical mass, which had to wait until sufficient amounts of fissile material arrived from the production plants: uranium from
Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and plutonium from the
Hanford site in Washington.
In 1945, using the results of critical mass experiments, Los Alamos technicians fabricated and assembled components for four bombs: the
Trinity Gadget,
Little Boy,
Fat Man, and an unused spare Fat Man. After the war, those who could, including Oppenheimer, returned to university teaching positions. Those who remained worked on levitated and hollow pits and conducted weapon effects tests such as
Crossroads Able and Baker at
Bikini Atoll in 1946.
All of the essential ideas for incorporating fusion into nuclear weapons originated at Los Alamos between 1946 and 1952. After the
Teller-Ulam radiation implosion breakthrough of 1951, the technical implications and possibilities were fully explored, but ideas not directly relevant to making the largest possible bombs for long-range Air Force bombers were shelved.
Because of Oppenheimer's initial position in the H-bomb debate, in opposition to large thermonuclear weapons, and the assumption that he still had influence over Los Alamos despite his departure, political allies of
Edward Teller decided he needed his own laboratory in order to pursue H-bombs. By the time it was opened in 1952, in
Livermore, California, Los Alamos had finished the job Livermore was designed to do.
Livermore
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With its original mission no longer available, the Livermore lab tried radical new designs, that failed. Its first three nuclear tests were fizzles: in 1953, two single-stage fission devices with uranium hydride pits, and in 1954, a two-stage thermonuclear device in which the secondary heated up prematurely, too fast for radiation implosion to work properly.
Shifting gears, Livermore settled for taking ideas Los Alamos had shelved and developing them for the Army and Navy. This led Livermore to specialize in small-diameter tactical weapons, particularly ones using two-point implosion systems, such as the Swan. Small-diameter tactical weapons became primaries for small-diameter secondaries. Around 1960, when the superpower arms race became a ballistic missile race, Livermore warheads were more useful than the large, heavy Los Alamos warheads. Los Alamos warheads were used on the first
intermediate-range ballistic missiles, IRBMs, but smaller Livermore warheads were used on the first
intercontinental ballistic missiles, ICBMs, and
submarine-launched ballistic missiles, SLBMs, as well as on the first
multiple warhead systems on such missiles.
In 1957 and 1958 both labs built and tested as many designs as possible, in anticipation that a planned 1958 test ban might become permanent. By the time testing resumed in 1961 the two labs had become duplicates of each other, and design jobs were assigned more on workload considerations than lab specialty. Some designs were horse-traded. For example, the
W38 warhead for the
Titan I missile started out as a Livermore project, was given to Los Alamos when it became the
Atlas missile warhead, and in 1959 was given back to Livermore, in trade for the
W54 Davy Crockett warhead, which went from Livermore to Los Alamos.
The period of real innovation was ending by then, anyway. Warhead designs after 1960 took on the character of model changes, with every new missile getting a new warhead for marketing reasons. The chief substantive change involved packing more fissile uranium into the secondary, as it became available with continued
uranium enrichment and the dismantlement of the large high-yield bombs.
References:
- ^ DoE Fact Sheet: Reliable Replacement Warhead Program
- ^ Sybil Francis, Warhead Politics: Livermore and the Competitive System of Nuclear Warhead Design, UCRL-LR-124754, June 1995, Ph.D. Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, available from National Technical Information Service. This 233-page thesis was written by a weapons-lab outsider for public distribution. The author had access to all the classified information at Livermore that was relevant to her research on warhead design; consequently, she was required to use non-descriptive code words for certain innovations.
- ^ Walter Goad, Declaration for the Wen Ho Lee case, May 17, 2000. Goad began thermonuclear weapon design work at Los Alamos in 1950. In his Declaration, he mentions "basic scientific problems of computability which cannot be solved by more computing power alone. These are typified by the problem of long range predictions of weather and climate, and extend to predictions of nuclear weapons behavior. This accounts for the fact that, after the enormous investment of effort over many years, weapons codes can still not be relied on for significantly new designs."
- ^ Chuck Hansen, The Swords of Armageddon, Volume IV, pp. 211-212, 284.
- ^ The public literature mentions three different force mechanism for this implosion: radiation pressure, plasma pressure, and explosive ablation of the outer surface of the secondary pusher. All three forces are present; and the relative contribution of each is one of the things the computer simulations try to explain. See Teller-Ulam design.
- ^ Dr. John C. Clark, as told to Robert Cahn, "We Were Trapped by Radioactive Fallout," The Saturday Evening Post, July 20, 1957, pp. 17-19, 69-71.[1]
- ^ Richard Rhodes, Dark Sun; the Making of the Hydrogen Bomb, Simon and Schuster, 1995, p. 541.
- ^ Chuck Hansen, The Swords of Armageddon, Volume VII, pp. 396-397.
- ^ a b Sybil Francis, Warhead Politics, pp. 141, 160.
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